Київський національний університет імені Т. Шевченка
GASTRODIPLOMACY, FOOD COMMUNICATION AND MORE. REVIEW OF THE BOOK TRIPTYCH BY V. CHEKALIUK "FOOD AS COMMUNICATION", "TASTEFUL COMMUNICATION", "TASTY COMMUNICATION"
In the books of V. Chekaliuk, food is considered as a multifaceted, multivalent phenomenon inherent in human life, satisfying not only physiological needs. It is shown that food is a sphere of creativity and self-actualization, a means of communication, forming the image of a person and a state, which has become a tool of international interaction in world politics - gastrodiplomacy. The possibilities and examples of using food for the development of non-verbal communication in relationships between people, in various life situations are presented. To improve communication skills, a metaphorical board game developed by the author is proposed. The informal presentation of the material makes these publications accessible to a wide range of readers, creates the possibility of their inclusion in public diplomacy at various levels. The phenomenon of gastrodiplomacy is considered as an innovative tool of public diplomacy in the context of world theories of "soft power" and intercultural communication, in particular through the current practices of culinary influence, initiated by Talleyrand. Food is positioned as a universal "language" capable of enhancing diplomatic signals and interpersonal trust. The review presents an overview of the content, an interdisciplinary analysis, and identifies the significance of the books for international relations specialists, cultural attachés, and communication strategists, students.
image, communication, etiquette, diplomacy, business communication, negotiations, food
International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies
Copyright (c) 2025 Вісник: Міжнародні відносини
DIGITAL RECONSTITUTION OF MONETARY ONTOLOGY: INSTITUTIONAL PRECONDITIONS FOR CURRENCY INTERNATIONALISATION IN THE AGE OF TOKENISED VALUE
Introduction. The emergence of central bank digital currencies (CBDCs) and cryptocurrencies – forms of money instantiated as code – has catalysed a foundational reappraisal of monetary ontology. Classical theory draws a distinction between the ontic status of money (what money is) and its ontological conditions (how it becomes socially recognised as such). Tokenisation disrupts this distinction by embedding monetary functions within programmable digital architectures. This study interrogates how the advent of tokenised value and programmable money compels a reassessment of monetary being, with particular attention to their implications for currency internationalisation. Methods. The study employs a qualitative mixed-method design combining theoretical modelling and comparative case analysis. A conceptual framework – the functional continuum of moneyness – is developed using a three-dimensional metric based on the classical functions of money. Documentary analysis of monetary theory and international practice supports the framework, while comparative case vignettes (e.g., e-CNY, Onyx, e-Naira) illustrate institutional variation. Results. Findings reveal that tokenisation collapses the traditional dichotomy between monetary sign and payment infrastructure, rendering transference a built-in function of digital money. Smart contracts and protocol-layer enforcement facilitate autonomous execution of monetary rules – an emergent phenomenon described here as programmable sovereignty. The study presents a typology of ledger architectures – ranging from permissionless public blockchains to account-based state systems – each exhibiting distinct implications for trust, composability, and cross-border reach. Institutional preconditions for international circulation are analysed across legal, governance, interoperability, and privacy dimensions. Crucially, the research formulates a hypothesis: a cryptocurrency that functionally matches or exceeds the “moneyness” of the weakest recognised fiat currency may be deemed money in the global domain, regardless of state endorsement. Conclusions. Digitisation reconstitutes money as a programmable institutional object, expanding the ontological spectrum of what may qualify as currency. However, the potential for international scale depends on whether digital tokens meet key institutional thresholds: legal recognition or toleration abroad, credible governance, technological interoperability, and alignment between privacy protections and regulatory compliance. The framework developed herein offers a theoretical basis and testable propositions for evaluating the internationalisation trajectories of digital monies, including their capacity either to circumvent or to become embedded within existing global monetary hierarchies.
international monetary and financial system
"ASEAN+1" AS A MECHANISM OF ASEAN COOPERATIVE SECURITY IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION
Background. One of the key mechanisms of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) influence on the security of the Asia-Pacific has been the “ASEAN+1” format, aimed at developing dialogue with the leading states of the region. The preconditions for its emergence lay in ASEAN’s aspiration to integrate external partners into regional processes on the basis of cooperative security principles, enshrined in particular in the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. Under conditions of growing competition between major powers and the existence of potential conflicts in the Asia-Pacific, it is the “ASEAN+1” format that provides institutional channels for maintaining dialogue and security cooperation. The purpose of the article is to analyze the effectiveness of the “ASEAN+1” mechanism as a tool of cooperative security and to trace the evolution of ASEAN’s dialogue partnerships with Asia-Pacific countries. Methods. The research employed the problem-chronological and institutional analysis methods. Results. It is shown that the “ASEAN+1” format has become a platform for institutionalizing the principles of cooperative security. The accession of ASEAN’s dialogue partners to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia guaranteed their commitment to regional norms. Each partnership has evolved from limited consultations to developed cooperation mechanisms – strategic and comprehensive partnerships, regular summits, joint exercises, and involvement in ASEAN forums such as the ASEAN Regional Forum, the East Asia Summit, and the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus. In particular, PRC, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, and the United States have elevated their relations with ASEAN to the level of comprehensive strategic partnerships. Cooperation covered not only maritime security, counter-terrorism, and cyber threat response but also peacekeeping, disaster response, and mitigation of their consequences. Conclusions. The “ASEAN+1” format has proven its effectiveness as a mechanism of cooperative security, creating institutional channels for reducing tensions and enhancing trust. Despite geopolitical rivalry between major powers, particularly the United States and PRC, ASEAN has retained the ability to integrate partners into multilateral formats while avoiding bloc confrontation. Thus, “ASEAN+1” stands as an important instrument for supporting regional stability and building an inclusive security architecture in Asia-Pacific.
ASEAN, ASEAN+1, Asia-Pacific, cooperative security, ASEAN Regional Forum, East Asia Summit
291 "International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies"
CHINA-RUSSIA COMPETITION IN CENTRAL ASIA: CURRENT STATUS AND PROSPECTS
Abstract The article examines the transformation of competition between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in Central Asia after 2022. The analysis covers six interconnected domains: security, economic, energy, logistics, migration, and technology. Findings show that Russia maintains the role of security guarantor, while China strengthens its economic and technological presence, forming an asymmetric duumvirate. Special emphasis is placed on the impact of Western sanctions on Russia, the expansion of Chinese energy and transport projects, and the emergence of dual technological dependency among Central Asian states. The study concludes that Kazakhstan’s and Uzbekistan’s multi-vector strategies, along with engagement of the US, EU, and Turkey, can limit the monopolistic ambitions of major powers. For Ukraine, opportunities arise to participate in the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, expand agricultural and IT exports, and promote the C5+UA diplomatic format.
Central Asia; Russian Federation; People’s Republic of China; geopolitical competition; security fragmentation; energy corridors; digital sovereignty.
Центральна Азія; Російська Федерація; Китайська Народна Республіка; геополітична конкуренція; безпекова фрагментація; енергетичні коридори; цифровий суверенітет.
"INFORMATION VACCINE" AS A TOOL FOR COUNTERING THREATS TO HUMAN COGNITIVE TO SECURITY
Background. In the 21st century, wars are increasingly shifting into the realm of human consciousness, where disinformation acts as an "information virus" that undermines trust, divides societies, and weakens democracy, in particular by discrediting its institutions. Since 2014, Ukraine has become one of the most vulnerable countries to systematic cognitive attacks from Russia. This necessitates the development of preventive strategies, based on principles similar to biological immunization. We call this the concept of an "information vaccine." Accordingly, the purpose of the article is to verify the theoretical foundations of this concept, to examine international experience in countering information threats where this concept serves as a theoretical basis, and to propose an approach to building a multilevel system of human cognitive security in the modern digital world. Methods. The methodological basis consists of interdisciplinary approaches encompassing the analysis of cognitive wars, the study of the transformation of the public sphere as a communicative space, the application of the concept of "soft power," theories of discourse and power, metaphor and hyperreality, as well as the study of ongoing conflicts and their communicative dimensions. To substantiate the preventive approach, the inoculation theory is applied, complemented by modern empirical research on "prebunking." The study employs content analysis of international reports, as well as a comparative analysis of the experiences of various countries – the United States, the European Union, China, and Ukraine – in the study and application of cognitive instruments for the protection of state or, as in the case of the EU, collective interests. Results. The study has shown that the concept of the "information vaccine" has a strong theoretical foundation and is supported by empirical examples. In the United States, the key challenges in this domain have been election interference and the QAnon movement; in the EU – Brexit and the development of mechanisms such as EUvsDisinfo and the Digital Services Act; in China – algorithmic governance and the use of big data. NATO has responded to Russian hybrid influence against member states by creating the StratCom COE in Riga as a multinational center for research and countering cognitive threats. In Ukraine, since 2014 Russia has systematically carried out information campaigns regarding the temporarily occupied Crimea and the Donbas regions, the downing of flight MH17 by Russian proxies, vaccination during the COVID-19 pandemic, and energy security; after 2022, these campaigns have aimed to undermine social stability by spreading doubts about Ukraine's ability to preserve its independence. In response, Ukraine has established the Center for Countering Disinformation under the National Security and Defense Council, launched media literacy programs, and developed cooperation with international partners. The study proposes a multilevel "information vaccine model" that includes individual, educational, technological, local, regional, regulatory–institutional, and international levels, which complement one another. Conclusions. The concept of the "information vaccine" emerges not only as a scientific metaphor but also as a comprehensive strategy of preventive information security. Its key objective is to build the resilience of individuals, society, and the state against cognitive attacks through the combination of education, communications, technological innovation, and international cooperation. The decisive outcome is the achievement of a state of "collective immunity," where destructive messages are unable to cause systemic and devastating consequences. Given its unique experience in countering large-scale information attacks, Ukraine can act as a leader in the development and implementation of a global "information vaccine" strategy.
міжнародна медіакомунікація, комунікативні технології
THE PHENOMENON OF "STRATEGIC LOCALISATION" AS A CONSEQUENCEOF THE "RESILIENCE TURN" IN THE EUROPEAN DISCOURSE
Abstract Introduction. The article examines the phenomenon of “strategic localisation” as a consequence of the “resilience turn” in European discourse in 2014–2023, when under the impact of unprecedented hybrid threats the central governments of EU member states demonstrated limited capacity for effective crisis response. This has shifted the focus of crisis governance towards the principles of risk-management decentralisation, subsidiarity, and localisation of decisions. The term “strategic localisation” is proposed to describe this process. The Ukrainian discourse, shaped under wartime conditions, complements this shift with a decisive networked component of horizontal community interaction. Methods. Comparative analysis was applied to juxtapose European and Ukrainian discourses; discourse and content analysis of strategic documents and academic works; a historical-comparative approach to trace the evolution of concepts in 2014–2023; and experimental simulation modelling to identify communicative vulnerabilities of resilience at the local level and to test formats of interaction. Results. The study recorded the consolidation of “resilience” as an organizing principle of crisis governance; the EU trend towards delegating crisis-management decisions to local actors; and the specific feature of Ukraine in the networked dimension of local interaction under wartime pressure. Simulation research confirmed the effectiveness of permanent cross-sectoral formats and the “whole-of-society” approach. It was found that both European and Ukrainian approaches are oriented towards localisation and decentralisation, while the distinctive feature of Ukraine is the phenomenon of networked interaction as a critical condition for survival and security. The emergence of “strategic localisation” was outlined, though without final institutionalization. Conclusions. The local level of governance becomes a catalyst of crisis policy and a key security node. “Strategic localisation” describes a new configuration of distributed responsibility relevant to European security and to Ukraine’s resilience practices.
resilience, security, decentralisation, hybrid threats, discourse, EU, cross-sectoral governance
international communication, security, resilience, hybrid threats
Specialty 291 – International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies
THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN CONFLICT IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE: NAGORNO-KARABAKH
In 1991, Nagorno-Karabakh, with the support of Armenia and the Russian Federation, declared independence from Azerbaijan. This led to hostilities that lasted until 1994. The armed conflict ended with the signing of the Bishkek Protocol on an armistice and ceasefire, but armed clashes periodically broke out between the parties. To mediate in the settlement of the conflict, the Minsk Group was established in 1992, consisting of 19 member states of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (now the OSCE), which was co-chaired in 1997 by the Russian Federation, France and the United States. As one of the most interested players, the Russian Federation sought to play a leading role in the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement, both because it contributed to the conclusion of the Ceasefire Agreement between Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Armenia in 1994, and because of its geopolitical and geoeconomic interests in the South Caucasus region. It was thanks to the imperial policy of the Russian Federation that the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh became “frozen” and one that for more than three decades played a central role in the new geopolitics in Eurasia, affecting the regional security of the Caucasus and the entire Middle East. Methods. The main methodological approaches to the study of the Russian Federation’s policy in the former USSR were historical, political science, and geopolitical. It is the latter that views the Russian Federation’s policy in the post-Soviet space as an attempt to restore its geopolitical and geoeconomic influence through such tools as mediation, peacekeeping, and economic expansion. This approach helps to clarify the true motives of the Kremlin’s participation in the so-called conflict resolution process, as well as to understand the reasons for the Russian Federation’s geopolitical defeat in Nagorno-Karabakh. Results. The inability of international mediators to offer a political and diplomatic way to resolve the conflict, compounded by the parties’ distrust and the desire of neighboring countries to take advantage of the complexity of the Karabakh problem to resolve their own geostrategic issues, prompted the Azerbaijani authorities to mobilize significant financial resources to re-equip the army and prepare for a force scenario of returning the temporarily occupied territories (TOT). The Armenian authorities, on the other hand, relying on the traditional support of the Russian Federation, reinforced by Yerevan’s participation in the CSTO, which was supposed to guarantee Moscow’s allied support in the event of an armed conflict with Azerbaijan, have become a de facto vassal of the Kremlin and have practically lost their international subjectivity. Taking advantage of the Russian Federation’s involvement in the civil conflict in Syria and the weakening of the Russian army’s combat capability in the long-running Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the military support of Turkey, Baku conducted military operations in 2020 and 2023, which resulted in the restoration of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity. This happened despite the Russian Federation’s policy in Karabakh, which was based on Moscow’s desire to keep the Karabakh conflict in a “settled” state, playing on the irreconcilable contradictions of its participants. After Azerbaijan regained control of Karabakh and the authorities of the self-proclaimed NKR announced the cessation of the unrecognized state entity, more than 100,000 Karabakh Armenians left the region. Currently, Azerbaijan and Armenia are negotiating a peace agreement, for the first time without Russian mediation. On August 8, 2025, at a trilateral meeting at the White House between Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and US President Donald Trump, an agreement was signed to normalize Azerbaijani-Armenian relations. An agreement that could completely change the South Caucasus, the development of which is hampered by closed borders, long-standing ethnic conflicts and the Kremlin's imperial policy. The framework document, aimed at achieving a concrete path to peace, envisages the creation of a strategic transit corridor through the South Caucasus, which will connect the main territory of Azerbaijan with the Nakhichevan exclave via Armenia. The United States, within the framework of the agreements, will receive from Armenia exclusive rights to develop this corridor, which will be called the "Trump Path for International Peace and Prosperity", known by the acronym TRIPP. Thus, the United States will exercise control over a strategic transport hub in the region bordering Russia, Turkey and Iran. Thanks to TRIPP, the United States will strengthen its geopolitical influence in the South Caucasus, displacing such traditional players as the Russian Federation and France and exerting geopolitical pressure on Iran. Tehran opposed the United States' laying of a corridor through the territory of Armenia connecting Azerbaijan with the Republic of Nakhichevan. They believe that in this way NATO will get closer to the northern Iranian territories. This means that the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem is far from exhausting the problems of geopolitical rivalry in the South Caucasus. Conclusions. The restoration of the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan as a result of the 44-day war of 2020 and the anti-terrorist operation of 2023 in Nagorno-Karabakh showed the weakness of the Russian Federation and the possibility of its displacement from the South Caucasus, and in the future, its decomposition as a state. The return of the TOT under Baku's control means that to solve this task, such factors as the political will of the state leadership to return the TOT, the consolidation of the country's material and military resources to achieve the goal, a favorable international situation and the presence of at least one powerful strategic ally, which for Azerbaijan is Turkey, must be present. This, in short, is the recipe for victory over the shadow of the "evil empire", which still remains the Russian Federation. For Ukraine and the civilized world. The geopolitical confrontation in Nagorno-Karabakh, the main actors of which were the Russian Federation, the USA, France and Turkey, brought victory to the Western countries and a fiasco to the Russian Federation. But the great geopolitical game in the South Caucasus, intensified by the recent discovery of significant hydrocarbon deposits in the Caspian region, which was reflected in the implementation of projects for laying strategic transport highways such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-Supsa gas pipeline, continues. Since the Russian Federation, weakened by the war in Ukraine, has far from exhausted its capabilities in the region and, under favorable circumstances, is capable of changing the geopolitical situation in the South Caucasus in its favor. This is evidenced, among other things, by the attempt of Russian revenge in Georgia. Keywords: Nagorno-Karabakh, Russian Federation, Azerbaijan, Armenia, “frozen” conflict, post-Soviet space, geopolitical interests, imperial syndrome.
РОСІЙСЬКА ФЕДЕРАЦІЯ В КОНФЛІКТАХ НА ПОСТРАДЯНСЬКОМУ ПРОСТОРІ: НАГІРНИЙ КАРАБАХ
Ключові слова: Нагірний Карабах, Російська Федерація, Азербайджан, Вірменія, «заморожений» конфлікт, пострадянський простір, геополітичні інтереси, імперський синдром.
REFLECTION OF WINSTON CHURCHILL’S EAST EUROPEAN GEOPOLITICAL OUTLOOK (1917–1921)
Introduction. In the final period of the First World War and in its aftermath, Europe underwent significant transformations characterized by profound geopolitical shifts and the determination of the political future of the newly established states in Central and Eastern Europe. The British Empire and its political leaders played one of the key roles during this time. Among them, a particularly prominent figure was Winston Churchill, who held various governmental positions. The aim of this study was to analyze Churchill’s diplomatic activity and to examine his perception of Ukraine in 1917–1921. Methods. The methodological framework of the research is based on historical-genetic, problem-chronological, comparative-political, and discourse analysis. The source base includes memoir literature, official government documents, parliamentary debates, diplomatic correspondence, and Churchill’s speeches. Results. The study analyzes the period of revolutionary transformations that led to the collapse of imperial entities and the formation of new national states in Eastern Europe. It has been established that Churchill played a key role in shaping the policy of containing Bolshevism during the stage of postwar reconstruction of the international system. Particular attention is paid to his initiatives regarding military and diplomatic support of the White movement, the deployment of interventionist operations, and attempts to legitimize anti-Bolshevik governments within the framework of international law. At the same time, it has been demonstrated that Churchill did not perceive Ukraine as an independent political subject but viewed it exclusively through the lens of the internal crisis of a “united Russia”, which, in his opinion, should be restored through support for the White movement. The study highlights the substantive characteristics of Churchill’s foreign policy rhetoric, his efforts to consolidate the Entente allies around the concept of ideological confrontation with Bolshevism, and also the transformation of the diplomatic strategy of the British Empire under conditions of changing geopolitical balance of power. A comparative analysis of Churchill’s position and the general course of David Lloyd George’s government has been conducted. Conclusions. It has been established that Churchill’s geopolitical logic was based on the idea of stability through the support of great powers and the restoration of imperial formats, within which Ukrainian statehood was regarded as a temporary and premature political entity.
Ukrainian People's Republic, Great Britain, Russian Civil War, Allied powers (Entente), White Guard movement, geopolitics, intervention
291 Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії
UKRAINE IN GERMAN FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE ACTIVE PHASE OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR
Background. The paper analyzes the conceptual foundations and main directions of German policy towards Ukraine during the active phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war. A particular attention is paid to the assistance of Germany to Ukraine in repelling the Russian aggression. Methods. The research methodology is based on a combination of the systemic approach, historical and structural-functional analysis, comparative studies, and analytical forecasting. Results. An attempt is made to scientifically understand the changes that occurred in German foreign policy under the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian war transition into an active phase and the occupation by Russia of significant territories in the east and south of Ukraine, which made this armed conflict the most powerful in Europe since World War II. A comparison is made of the policy towards Ukraine of the German governments led by O. Scholz and F. Merz. The special attention is paid to the assistance of Germany to Ukraine in repelling the Russian aggression. The evolution of German approaches to the large-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine is revealed. The tools, forms and methods of Germany's support for the Ukrainian state are analyzed. Conclusions. It is shown that the hybrid Russian aggression was only gradually perceived by Western states, including Germany, as a direct threat to the eastern flank of the EU and NATO. It is proven that in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, Germany's cooperation with Ukraine has become an important element in strengthening the defense capabilities of our state and its integration into the European and Euro-Atlantic security institutions. It is predicted that in the future the main tasks of bilateral relations will envisage the further integration of Ukraine into the European structures, strengthening the military-political cooperation and joint development of new security initiatives using Ukrainian experience in conducting a modern warfare.
Федеративна Республіка Німеччина, Україна, Росія, російсько-українська війна, німецько-українські відносини, зовнішня політика, європейська система міжнародних відносин
APPROACHES TO FOOD SAFETY COMPLIANCE AND QUALITY FOR CROSS-BORDER TRADE BETWEEN THE EU AND UKRAINE
Food safety, nutritional value and food security are interrelated concepts. The consumption of unsafe foods contributes to disease and malnutrition, especially among vulnerable groups such as infants, children, the elderly and those with compromised immune systems. In addition to its impact on health, food safety contributes to economic growth, tourism and international trade, which are important factors for sustainable development. Food security is also affected by market globalization, demographic change, environmental challenges and the transformation of food systems. The identification of product quality indicators with indicators of current standards often indicates a decrease in the nutritional value of food products and an excess of the maximum content of a contaminant in the product, which does not allow it to be classified as a safe product. In turn, a safe food product is a food product that does not create a harmful effect on human health directly or indirectly under the conditions of its production and circulation in compliance with the requirements of sanitary measures and consumption for its intended purpose.
food safety, compliance standards, food quality, cross-border trade, international economic relations, regulatory framework
безпека харчових продуктів, стандарти відповідності, якість харчових продуктів, транскордонна торгівля, міжнародні економічні відносини, нормативно-правова база.
THE ROLE OF THE CONCEPT OF ‘CHINA’S PEACEFUL RISE IN CHINA'S FOREIGN POLICY: EVOLUTION AND IMPACT (1993-2013)
Abstract. This article analyses the evolution of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, focusing on the concept of ‘peaceful rise’ (later ‘peaceful development’) as a key element of China's foreign policy strategy during this period. The study covers the reigns of Jiang Zemin (1993-2003) and Hu Jintao (2003-2013), analysing their foreign policy initiatives, economic reforms and influence on the geopolitical positioning of the PRC. The article examines key aspects of the concept of ‘peaceful rise,’ the subsequent transition to the concept of ‘peaceful development,’ and assesses the concept's impact on the formation of China's foreign policy strategies, its main theoretical foundations, and practical implications for China's global integration.
КНР, концепція "мирного піднесення", "мирний розвиток", "одна країна, дві системи"
Геополітика та міжнародні відносини; Геополітичні та геоекономічні інтереси країн світу; Геостратегії країн світу; Регіональні конфлікти та постконфліктне врегулювання в країнах Сходу.
TRANSFORMATION OF UKRAINE'S FOREIGN POLICY SUBJECT ITY AFTER 2022:AN ANALYTICAL MODEL OF HYBRID INFLUENCE
After the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022, Ukraine’s foreign policy subjectivity underwent qualitative changes. The state moved from a reactive role to the position of an initiator of international processes, accompanied both by spontaneous international solidarity and by managed diplomatic actions. Purpose of the study – to conceptualize the hybrid nature of Ukraine’s foreign policy influence and to propose an analytical model that combines its symbolic and institutional dimensions. Results. Two main dimensions of influence have been identified: spontaneous (organic) and institutional (managed). Using discourse analysis and a literature review, it is described how Ukraine combines emotional-symbolic capital and structured diplomacy to form a new international presence. A methodological approach to influence assessment is proposed, integrating narrative analysis, media indexing, and the concept of symbolic capital. Conclusions. The modern international subjectivity of Ukraine is formed at the intersection of value legitimacy, diplomatic initiative, and hybrid communication strategies.
зовнішня політика публічна дипломатія міжнародний імідж комунікативна діяльність м’яка сила Україна Європейський Союз міжнародні відносини гібридні комунікації
Міжнародні відносини, Міжнародні комунікації
THE EVOLUTION OF EUROSCEPTIC RHETHORICS IN THE EU:BRITISH INFLUENCE AFTER BREXIT AND NATIONAL SPECIALTIES
B a c k g r o u n d. After Brexit, Euroscepticism has become an increasingly visible part of the European political mainstream. For a certain period following the British referendum, it employed rhetoric suggesting that this scenario might be repeated in other EU member states such as Germany, France, and Italy. Appeals to such a course of events have raised concerns about the continuation of the European Union’s disintegration under the slogans of restoring national sovereignty, regaining control over borders, etc. M e t h o d s. The study applies a qualitative narrative analysis to identify key milestones in Eurosceptic parties’ attitudes toward the idea of leaving the European Union (following the Brexit example) or, at the very least, limiting European integration. R e s u l t s. It was found that, despite ties with the initiators of Brexit, local European conservatives and Eurosceptics have gradually adjusted their messaging regarding opposition to European integration, favouring a “soft” form of Euroscepticism — not rejecting EU membership outright but advocating for reducing Brussels’ influence or changing the EU’s political agenda. A restraining factor has been warnings about the negative economic and domestic political consequences of leaving the EU, as illustrated by the British example, and in some cases, appeals to potential external influences (primarily from Russia) and manipulation of European public opinion. C o n c l u s I o n s. The external political, social, and security environment encourages changes in initial positions on leaving the EU; however, this does not automatically translate into a positive attitude toward European integration itself or solidarity with EU values. There is a pragmatic, rather than value-based, interest in expanding cooperation within the European continent — in the context of shared challenges, particularly the Russian–Ukrainian war.
MODERN COMMEMORATIVE PRACTICES AS A INSTRUMENT FOR SHAPINGTHE FOREIGN POLICY IDENTITY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
Background. The 2025 «victory parade» on Red Square in Moscow was a practical embodiment of Russia's commemorative practices, as it brought together numerous foreign leaders from different regions for the first time since the start of the aggression against Ukraine, demonstrating a shift in geopolitical balances and the mechanism of constructing foreign policy identities from Russia and EU countries to the «Global South». Methods. The constructivist analysis method was used to reveal how collective memory practices influence the formation of the Russian Federation's foreign policy identity. The main method is the analysis of the discourse of official rituals, commemorative dates, mass celebrations with the participation of representatives of other states, and symbolic acts. In addition, a comparative analysis of commemoration in different countries is used to identify the unique characteristics of Russian state practices. The method of content analysis of official events, speeches, and news about places and actions of remembrance provides insight into the mechanism of legitimising the external positioning of the Russian Federation. Results. Commemoration has become a tool for Russia to promote its image as a «liberator from neo-Nazism» and overcome international isolation. For this purpose, Russia is involving China, North Korea and countries of the Global South in its anti-Western narrative. The participation of European leaders from Slovakia and Serbia, which are involved in the integration process, highlights pragmatic motives related to economic benefits or historical memory, but does not form a cohesive alliance. Despite managing to reestablish a certain international presence at the 2025 parade compared to previous years, Russia has been unable to change the global discourse on its aggression against Ukraine. The diplomatic opposition of Ukraine and the EU contributes to this. Conclusions. The 2025 «victory parade» was not an expression of broad support for Russia, but rather a tool for selective norm-setting and the formation of foreign policy identity, underscoring the fragmentation of the international order and the limitations of Russian normative power. Вступ. «Парад перемоги» 2025 на Красній площі в Москві став практичним втіленням комеморативних практик Росії, адже уперше з початку агресії проти України зібрав велику кількість іноземних лідерів із різних регіонів, що засвідчує зміну геополітичних балансів і дію механізму конструювання зовнішньополітичних ідентичностей від Росії та країн ЄС до «Глобального Півдня». Методи. Було використано метод конструктивістського аналізу, що дозволяє розкрити, як практики колективної пам’яті впливають на формування зовнішньополітичної ідентичності Російської Федерації. Основним методом є аналіз дискурсу офіційних ритуалів, пам’ятних дат, масових святкувань за участі представників інших держав та символічних актів. Додатково застосується порівняльний аналіз комеморації в пострадянських країнах для виявлення унікальних характеристик російських державницьких практик. Метод контент-аналізу офіційних заходів, промов, новин щодо місць та дій вшанування пам’яті дозволяє простежити механізм легітимації зовнішнього позиціювання РФ. Результати. Комеморація стала інструментом Росії для просування образу «визволителя від неонацизму» та подолання міжнародної ізоляції. З цієї метою Росія залучає Китай, КНДР і країни Глобального Півдня до антизахідного наративу. Участь європейських лідерів Словаччини та Сербії, яка залучена в інтеграційний процес, підкреслює прагматичні мотиви, пов’язані з економічними вигодами чи історичною пам’яттю, але не формує цілісного альянсу. Зважаючи на те, що вдалось відновити певну міжнародну присутність на параді 2025 року, порівняно з минулими роками, Росія не змогла змінити глобальний дискурс про агресію проти України. Цьому сприяє дипломатична протидія України та ЄС. Висновки. «Парад перемоги» 2025 року був не вираженням широкої підтримки Росії, а інструментом вибіркового нормотворення та формування зовнішньополітичної ідентичності, що підкреслює фрагментованість міжнародного порядку та обмеженість російської нормативної сили.
Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії
SCIENTIFIC APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE
The article examines scientific approaches to the study of global climate change and policies to counter it, based on theories of international relations, globalization, ecological modernization, sustainable development and climate justice. The communicative dimension of climate policy (ecological, risk, scientific, political and disaster communications) and their role in shaping the climate-motivated behavior of international actors are shown. The spectrum of scientific discussions on the causes of climate change is outlined – from anthropogenic warming to natural cycles - and the associated epistemic uncertainties for mitigation and adaptation strategies. The author's concept of "climate humanism" is proposed, which combines countering climate change with the values of human rights, social justice and international responsibility. A theoretical and methodological basis for analyzing the climate policy of leading international actors in the context of modern global transformations is formulated.
глобальні зміни клімату, кліматична політика, кліматична справедливість, кліматичний гуманізм
SPORTS AND CULTURAL DIPLOMACY: DISTINCTION AND INDEPENDENCE IN FOREIGN POLICY
Background. The growing influence of communication technologies and global events has reinforced the role of sports diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. Yet, scholars continue to classify it under cultural or public diplomacy. This ambiguity arises from the broad definition of soft power, in which both culture and sport serve as mechanisms of attraction and influence. The primary question is whether sports diplomacy functions as a complementary approach or as an independent instrument. Objectives. This study aims to define cultural and sports diplomacy boundaries, explain why the latter is underestimated, and highlight that institutionalization enables sports diplomacy to function as a standalone foreign policy tool. Methods. The research combines political, comparative, and content analyses with concretization. The methods help to explore the links to soft power, contrast environments, actors, and tools, and examine practical cases from France, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Australia. Results. The findings indicate that soft power provides a comprehensive framework for public, cultural, and sports diplomacy, with each operating in distinct settings. Cultural diplomacy operates in a symbolic–normative space shaped by the exchange of ideas and values, whereas sports diplomacy functions in a performance–competitive environment driven by organized events, sports networks, and mass audiences. Its late institutionalization and difficulty in measuring outcomes explain its marginalization. Nevertheless, the recent examples indicate change. The French model demonstrates how cultural diplomacy gained weight through institutionalization. A similar trend can be observed in sports diplomacy, where Qatar and Saudi Arabia utilize state-led events and tournaments to enhance their global reputation. Australia’s Sports Diplomacy 2030 strategy is a compelling example of how a country can use sports as a strategic diplomatic tool. Conclusions. Sports diplomacy can no longer be viewed as a subset of cultural diplomacy. The distinct environment, unique actors, and specific tools support its difference from other types of diplomacy. When backed by institutional frameworks, funding, and strategic vision, it emerges as an effective standalone foreign policy instrument. Recognizing its distinct role expands the diplomatic toolkit and offers states new ways to project soft power. Keywords: Sports diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, public diplomacy, soft power, foreign policy, culture, sports.
Sports diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, public diplomacy, soft power, foreign policy, culture, sports.
CRYPTOCURRENCY AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR MITIGATING DEFAULT RISK IN CLO/CDO STRUCTURES
Background. Securitized financial products, in particular Collateralized Loan Obligations (CLO) and Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDO), are important tools for transforming credit portfolios into liquid market assets. Traditional approaches to credit risk management, including credit default swaps (CDS) and reserve accounts, have a number of limitations, such as counterparty dependence, high protection costs, and the immobilization of liquidity. The modern development of financial technologies, including blockchain, smart contracts, and stablecoins, opens up new opportunities for improving the efficiency and transparency of mechanisms for protection against default losses. This article proposes a model of an insurance crypto reserve integrated into the CLO/CDO structure, which eliminates counterparty risk, automates payouts, and increases capital efficiency through the use of DeFi protocols. Methods. In the process of preparing the study, a systems approach was applied to comprehensively examine the CLO/CDO architecture and the impact of the cryptocurrency reserve on the risk structure; a comparative method was used to assess the financial feasibility of the crypto reserve versus CDS; a structural-functional method was employed to analyze the waterfall mechanism and the role of tranching in risk distribution; analytical modeling and scenario analysis methods were used to calculate expected losses (PD, LGD), determine the optimal reserve size, and test the effectiveness of the model in various stress scenarios. Results. The study showed that implementing a crypto reserve based on stablecoins and smart contracts can fully offset expected credit losses within the CLO/CDO structure at a lower overall protection cost compared to CDS. The proposed model demonstrates the elimination of counterparty risk, instant payout activation upon predefined triggers, and the potential to generate additional income by allocating reserve assets to low-risk DeFi protocols. In a quantitative example, the crypto reserve covered losses of USD 600,000 while retaining a balance for subsequent events, and in a no-default scenario, provided the opportunity to accumulate an additional USD 70,000–100,000 over a five-year period. Conclusions. The proposed model of an insurance crypto reserve for CLO/CDO combines the advantages of blockchain technologies and traditional securitization principles, providing enhanced resilience, transparency, and flexibility in risk management. It can reduce protection costs, eliminate dependence on intermediaries, and improve capital efficiency. For the practical implementation of this concept, it is advisable to carry out pilot projects that take into account regulatory requirements, standardization of smart contracts, and testing the model under real market conditions. Further research should focus on comparing the effectiveness of the crypto reserve in different jurisdictions, assessing its interaction with other hedging tools, and developing mechanisms to protect against technological risks.
cryptocurrency; monetary surrogates; default risk; bank asset securitization; CLO, CDO; credit default swap; financial friction; digital assets.
ANALYSIS OF THE EFFECTIVENESS OF EU ENERGY SECURITY CRITERIA AND INDICATORS IN THE CONTEXT OF GEOPOLITICAL TURBULENCE
Background: This article explores the European Union's approaches to assessing energy security through a system of indicators in the dynamic conditions of geopolitical changes. It investigates the transformation of their role, from ignored warning signals to key tools for crisis management. The relevance of the study is driven by the need to evaluate the effectiveness of EU policy in response to Russia's energy blackmail and to identify new challenges following the bloc's rejection of its energy carriers. Methods: The research is based on an analysis of the EU's regulatory framework (the REPowerEU plan, relevant regulations), quantitative indicators from official sources (import dependency, diversification of suppliers, strategic reserves), and analytical reports from international institutions. A systemic approach is applied to assess the effectiveness of these indicators as preventive and operational tools in risk management. Results: It was found that until 2022, the indicators clearly signaled the EU's critical dependence on Russia, but these warnings were ignored due to a lack of political will. Following the invasion, the indicators became the foundation for setting measurable goals (demand reduction, storage filling), monitoring, and market stabilization, which helped overcome the acute phase of the crisis. At the same time, new systemic vulnerabilities were identified: dependence on the global LNG market, supply chains for critical raw materials for the "green" transition, and the growth of cyber threats. Conclusions: The role of energy security indicators in the EU has evolved from a passive warning to an active crisis management tool. Despite the demonstrated resilience, the Union's energy security remains dynamic and vulnerable. The existing monitoring system needs to be adapted to assess new geopolitical, technological, and raw material risks. Effective future management will require the development of new indicators that account for the complex nature of modern threats.
THE SECURITY OF THE NORDIC STATES UNDER THE RUSSIAN HYBRID THREATS
Abstract Introduction. The Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 marked a critical turning point in the European security landscape, prompting Sweden and Finland to abandon their longstanding policies of neutrality in favor of accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This strategic realignment has been accompanied by a notable intensification of Russian hybrid activity in Northern Europe. The resulting transformation of the regional security status quo presents NATO with novel challenges, underscoring the imperative for enhanced coordination mechanisms and deeper integration of the Nordic states into the Alliance’s strategic framework. Methods. The study employs a functional analysis to assess the implications of Russian hybrid operations for the Northern European states, a comparative method to synthesize and contrast the existing scholarly interpretations, and an examination of open-source materials and statistical data to construct an empirical basis for evaluating the scope and impact of Russian hybrid influence in the region. Results. The analysis delineates the evolving patterns and strategic objectives of Russian hybrid activities in Northern Europe following Sweden’s and Finland’s NATO accession. It further evaluates the Nordic states’ role in reinforcing the security architecture of NATO’s northeastern flank and identifies the key domains of vulnerability and potential countermeasures, with particular emphasis on the Baltic Sea region. Conclusions. The escalation of Russian hybrid warfare in Northern Europe post-2022 is not merely a reactive measure to geopolitical shifts but constitutes a calculated element of a broader long-term strategy aimed at undermining the Euro-Atlantic unity and degrading the collective defense capacity of NATO. The study finds that Russian hybrid operations seek to erode the political and military readiness of Nordic states, foster gradual regional destabilization, and weaken the cohesion of the transatlantic alliance. Instruments employed in such strategy include the critical undersea infrastructure sabotage, electoral interference, migration crises orchestration, disinformation campaigns, and the GPS signals jamming.
Nordic countries, Northern Europe, regional system of international relations, foreign policy strategy, regional security, hybrid warfare, state sovereignty.
Nordic countries, Northern Europe, NATO, Regional security, Hybrid warfare.
Actual problems of international security, Regional studies, Strategic partnership, and asymmetrical relations.
GEOPOLITICAL DEFEAT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN SYRIA: TRANSFORMATION OF THE REGIONALORDER AND STRENGTHENING OF THE EURO-ATLANTIC ROLE (2015–2025)
Introduction. The Middle East has traditionally been a sphere of strategic interest for the United States, NATO, and the Euro-Atlantic community. The Syrian conflict became an arena for clashes between global and regional players, where the Russian Federation sought to strengthen its influence in opposition to the West. Aim. To analyze the relationship between Russia’s military intervention in Syria (2015) and its geopolitical confrontation with the Euro-Atlantic community, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine, and to assess the impact of these processes on the regional order. Methods. A historical-comparative method was used to compare the stages of the Syrian conflict and the phases of the Russo-Ukrainian war, a case study method to analyze Russia’s intervention in Syria, as well as document analysis (official statements, agreements, position papers). Logical methods of analysis and synthesis were applied to identify cause-and-effect relationships between events in the Middle East and global changes. Results. It was found that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 redirected significant resources to the Ukrainian front, leading to the weakening of its positions in Syria, the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime in 2025, and the strengthening of Turkey’s influence in the region. The Euro-Atlantic community succeeded in uniting allies and partners from various regions into a single deterrence system, thereby strengthening its global position. Conclusions. Russia suffered a geopolitical defeat in Syria due to limited resources and strategic capabilities, which enhanced the role of the Euro-Atlantic community in shaping the new regional order in the Middle East.
geopolitics, Syria, Euro-Atlantic, regional order, international relations, foreign policy, transformation, security.
Geopolitics and international relations; Geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the world; Geostrategies of the world; Regional conflicts and post-conflict settlement in the East.Видалити Geopolitics and international relations; Geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the world; Geostrategies of the world; Regional conflicts and post-conflict settlement in the East.
CORPORATE LOBBYING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
<a href="https://intern.bulletin.knu.ua/The article examines corporate lobbying within the institutional context of the European Union as one of the key instruments of influence on the decision-making process. It explores the mechanisms of interaction between transnational corporations and EU institutions across all stages of the regulatory cycle – from initial consultations to the final adoption of legislative acts. The analysis includes specific examples of corporate actors’ influence on regulatory policy in the field of new genomic technologies, highlighting the risks of distorting the principles of transparency, accountability, and democratic participation.">The article examines corporate lobbying within the institutional context of the European Union as one of the key instruments of influence on the decision-making process. It explores the mechanisms of interaction between transnational corporations and EU institutions across all stages of the regulatory cycle – from initial consultations to the final adoption of legislative acts. The analysis includes specific examples of corporate actors’ influence on regulatory policy in the field of new genomic technologies, highlighting the risks of distorting the principles of transparency, accountability, and democratic participation
Європейський Союз, Лобіювання, групи інтересів
RELIGION AS A FACTOR IN NATIONAL IDENTITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ITALY AND POLAND
Вступ. Сучасний світ переживає період глибоких і динамічних трансформацій, це спонукає до пошуків джерела стабільності, впевненості у майбутньому, розуміння свого місця у соціумі та посилює роль соціальних груп для індивідів. У цій системі колективних ідентичностей національна та релігійна залишають за собою значущі позиції як в особистісному житті людей, так і в глобальному аспекті взаємодії різних соціальних груп. Метою було дослідити взаємозв’язок національної та релігійної ідентичностей та їхній обопільний вплив – на прикладі Італії та Польщі. Методи. Використано загальнонаукові та спеціальні методи дослідження, зокрема: теоретико-методологічний аналіз, компаративний (порівняльний) метод, історичний метод та контент-аналіз. Результати. Визначено та проаналізовано теоретичні засади національної ідентичності та релігійної ідентичності, проведено компаративний аналіз взаємозв’язку нації та релігії на прикладі Італії й Польщі на основі історичних відомостей про взаємодію нації та католицизму у відповідних країнах, а також на основі контент-аналізу державних та релігійних гімнів обох держав як символічних атрибутів. Окреслено потенційні варіанти взаємодії та взаємовпливу національної та релігійної ідентичностей. Висновки. Виявлено наявність зв’язку між національною та релігійною ідентичністю в Польщі й Італії, а також окреслено вплив, який вони здійснюють на символічні атрибути кожного суспільства. У результаті компаративного аналізу було виокремлено два варіанти взаємодії цих ідентичностей: фактор підсилення релігією національної ідентичності (приклад Польщі) та фактор утворення конфлікту (приклад Італії). На основі історичного аналізу доведено, що у випадку конфлікту (Італія) переважну силу мала національна ідентичність з одночасною трансформацією релігійної ідентичності, а не її деструкцією. Background. The modern world is undergoing a period of profound and dynamic transformations, which prompts individuals to seek sources of stability, confidence in the future, and understanding of their place in society, thereby reinforcing the role of social groups. Within this system of collective identities, national and religious identities retain significant positions both in individuals’ personal lives and in the global context of interactions among various social groups. The aim of the study was to examine the interrelationship between national and religious identities and their mutual impact, based on the examples of Italy and Poland. Methods. General scientific and special research methods were used, in particular: theoretical and methodological analysis, comparative method, historical method, and content analysis. Results. The theoretical basis of national identity and religious identity was outlined and examined, a comparative analysis of the relationship between nation and religion was conducted based on the examples of Italy and Poland, relying on historical information about the interaction between the nation and Catholicism in the respective countries, as well as on the content analysis of the state and religious anthems of both countries as symbolic attributes. Potential variants of interaction and mutual impact of national and religious identities were outlined. Conclusions. A connection between national and religious identity in Poland and Italy was identified, and the influence they exert on the symbolic attributes of each society was outlined. As a result of comparative analysis, two variants of interaction between these identities were highlighted: the factor of strengthening national identity through religion (the example of Poland) and the factor of conflict formation (the example of Italy). Based on historical analysis, it has been proven that in the case of conflict (Italy), national identity prevailed with the simultaneous transformation of religious identity, rather than its destruction.
Political science, international relations
THE ROLE OF MEDIA LITERACY IN THE FUNCTIONING OF ESTONIA'S SYSTEM FOR COUNTERING FOREIGN POLICY DISINFORMATION
Background. The contemporary information environment, shaped by the rapid advancement of artificial intelligence and digital communication platforms, has transformed disinformation into a systemic threat of global scale, particularly for democratic states. In this context, Estonia – drawing upon its own geopolitical experience – has developed one of the most consistent and institutionalized models for countering foreign policy disinformation. This article aims to examine the operational mechanisms of Estonia’s information security system, with particular emphasis on the role of media literacy as a tool for enhancing societal resilience to information influence. Methods. The methodological framework of this study combines historical analysis to reconstruct the development of national information security policy, content analysis of strategic documents, legislative acts, and public communications, as well as institutional analysis of the activities of key governmental and civil society institutions. Results. Estonia has developed a multi-level system for countering disinformation, based on the "whole-of-society" approach. Legislative instruments provide authorities with the power to restrict the activities of hostile information resources. Media literacy is systematically integrated into the educational process, contributing to consistently high rankings in international indices. The active involvement of non-governmental organizations, particularly in outreach to Russian-speaking communities, enhances the system’s effectiveness. Estonia demonstrates the capacity for rapid response to foreign information threats. International cooperation, especially within the framework of the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, further strengthens collective security. Conclusions. The Estonian experience serves as a valuable example for countries seeking to strengthen national information security in the context of hybrid threats. Media literacy functions as a key element of societal resilience; however, further development of the system requires adaptation to emerging technological realities, strengthening of public-private partnerships, and greater consideration of the specific characteristics of target audiences.
disinformation, information security, Estonia, media literacy, hybrid threats, national security, information influence.
THE PROBLEM OF TEMPORARILY OCCUPIED TERRITORIES ON UKRAINE'S PATH TO NATO
Background. This article examines one of the key challenges Ukraine faces on its path toward NATO membership: the existence of temporarily occupied territories. The relevance of the topic stems from the fact that territorial conflicts present a serious obstacle to Euro-Atlantic integration. The aim of the study is to analyze the legal, political, and security aspects of Ukraine’s accession to the Alliance under the condition of partial occupation of its territory, to explore relevant historical precedents, and to propose possible scenarios for further developments. M e t h o d s. The research employs comparative-historical, analytical, and normative legal methods. It analyzes official NATO documents, international legal frameworks, the positions of political leaders and experts, as well as precedents of other countries joining the Alliance with unresolved territorial disputes. R e s u l t s. The study shows that the Alliance has previously admitted countries with territorial disputes (e.g., West Germany, Estonia, Croatia), which provides grounds for developing new approaches to Ukraine’s accession. Two primary scenarios are justified: the “West German model,” under which membership would apply only to non-occupied territories, and the option of amending Article 6 of the North Atlantic Treaty. Each scenario carries both potential benefits and significant risks for sovereignty, national security, and the unity of Ukrainian society. C o n c l u s i o n s. Ukraine should continue its active integration with NATO while insisting on the recognition of its entire territory within internationally recognized borders. Temporary solutions must not contradict the long-term goal of full de-occupation. Accession to the Alliance is not only an element of defense strategy but also a means of ensuring stability in Europe.
NATO, occupied territories, territorial conflicts, national security, Ukraine, Russian Federation
International relations, public communications and regional studies
THE ROLE OF TOURISM AS AN INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ACTOR IN STRENGTHENING ECONOMIC NATIONALISM AND THE DISINTEGRATION OF YUGOSLAVIA
<a href="https://intern.bulletin.knu.ua/Background. In Yugoslavia, which functioned as a distinctive frontier of the Cold War, tourism and the “open-door” policy became the practical embodiment of the country’s foreign policy doctrine of non-alignment. Inflows of foreign currency from Western tourism exacerbated structural disparities in the country's development. The impact of tourism on the rise of economic nationalism in Yugoslavia constitutes an important scholarly issue, the exploration of which enables the conceptualization of tourism’s role as a transnational force in the processes of political emancipation Adriatic republics. Methods. The study applies core methods of international political science. A systems approach allowed tourism to be understood as a factor of international interaction capable of influencing the stability of the Yugoslav state. The historical-descriptive method facilitated the reconstruction of Yugoslavia’s tourism policy within its geopolitical context, while structural-functional analysis helped identify the role of tourism as the economic foundation for the political emancipation of Slovenia and Croatia. Results. Yugoslavia was an inherently unstable political construct, burdened by interethnic tensions and the divergent civilizational orientations of its republics. Tourism served as a vital instrument in shaping a supranational Yugoslav identity and functioned as a key channel of engagement with the West. The influx of Western tourists ensured a steady flow of foreign currency, which intensified asymmetries in inter-republican relations. Economic growth in the coastal regions – particularly in Croatia and Slovenia – fostered a pro-Western orientation and centrifugal tendencies, which gained political expression during the “Croatian Spring” of 1971. Conclusions. Under the conditions of systemic competition between superpowers, the political instability of Yugoslavia – driven by the Croatian protest movement – gained international significance, being perceived as a factor capable of influencing the balance of power within the bipolar system. Interethnic disputes, radical decentralization, and the increasing assertion of political subjectness by the republics became a matter of concern for U.S. diplomatic and intelligence bodies, who viewed these trends as a potential destabilizing force threatening the Yugoslav model of non-alignment and facilitating the expansion of Soviet naval presence in the Mediterranean. In this configuration, tourism emerged not only as a significant economic resource but also as a transnational actor capable of initiating political dynamics, including the rise of economic nationalism, ethno-national mobilization, and a rethinking of sovereignty.">Background. In Yugoslavia, which functioned as a distinctive frontier of the Cold War, tourism and the “open-door” policy became the practical embodiment of the country’s foreign policy doctrine of non-alignment. Inflows of foreign currency from Western tourism exacerbated structural disparities in the country's development. The impact of tourism on the rise of economic nationalism in Yugoslavia constitutes an important scholarly issue, the exploration of which enables the conceptualization of tourism’s role as a transnational force in the processes of political emancipation Adriatic republics. Methods. The study applies core methods of international political science. A systems approach allowed tourism to be understood as a factor of international interaction capable of influencing the stability of the Yugoslav state. The historical-descriptive method facilitated the reconstruction of Yugoslavia’s tourism policy within its geopolitical context, while structural-functional analysis helped identify the role of tourism as the economic foundation for the political emancipation of Slovenia and Croatia. Results. Yugoslavia was an inherently unstable political construct, burdened by interethnic tensions and the divergent civilizational orientations of its republics. Tourism served as a vital instrument in shaping a supranational Yugoslav identity and functioned as a key channel of engagement with the West. The influx of Western tourists ensured a steady flow of foreign currency, which intensified asymmetries in inter-republican relations. Economic growth in the coastal regions – particularly in Croatia and Slovenia – fostered a pro-Western orientation and centrifugal tendencies, which gained political expression during the “Croatian Spring” of 1971. Conclusions. Under the conditions of systemic competition between superpowers, the political instability of Yugoslavia – driven by the Croatian protest movement – gained international significance, being perceived as a factor capable of influencing the balance of power within the bipolar system. Interethnic disputes, radical decentralization, and the increasing assertion of political subjectness by the republics became a matter of concern for U.S. diplomatic and intelligence bodies, who viewed these trends as a potential destabilizing force threatening the Yugoslav model of non-alignment and facilitating the expansion of Soviet naval presence in the Mediterranean. In this configuration, tourism emerged not only as a significant economic resource but also as a transnational actor capable of initiating political dynamics, including the rise of economic nationalism, ethno-national mobilization, and a rethinking of sovereignty.
Yugoslavia, Cold War, international tourism, transnational actors, foreign policy, Croatia, Slovenia, interethnic conflicts.
World politics, international relations, Cold War, Yugoslavia, tourism, non-state actors.
International relations and World politics
SHIFT IN THE BALANCE OF POWER IN AFGHANISTAN AFTER THE U.S. TROOP WITHDRAWAL IN 2021
Introduction Following the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan in 2021, the balance of power in the country shifted dramatically. The Taliban quickly seized control, leading to the collapse of the U.S.-backed government. Political and humanitarian crises deepened due to economic sanctions and the international isolation of the new regime. At the same time, ISIS-K intensified terrorist attacks, heightening security threats. China, Russia, and Pakistan strengthened their positions in the region, attempting to fill the power vacuum. The local population faced severe restrictions on rights and freedoms, particularly women and opposition groups. The lack of stability in Afghanistan has long-term implications for the entire region. Methods This study employs systemic, comparative, historical, and other research methods. The primary methodology is the dialectical approach, based on the principle of systemic analysis of the studied phenomena in their interrelation, mutual influence, and internal contradictions. This allows for the acquisition of the most reliable and objectively grounded knowledge. Results Even assuming that the Taliban will honor the commitments made in Doha, the real threat may come from the continued spread of Islamist fundamentalism and the resulting potential for regional destabilization. As American analysts have pointed out, “one of the conditions of the agreement with Trump, which the Taliban never fulfilled, was to break ties with Al-Qaeda.” This was noted by Robin Wright, a distinguished fellow at the Wilson Center and a former scholar at the Brookings Institution and Carnegie Endowment. She emphasized the warnings expressed by Pentagon officials that under Taliban rule, Al-Qaeda could reconstitute itself within six to twelve months and once again pose a direct threat to U.S. national security. Conclusions Thus, the situation in Afghanistan functions as a litmus test for a new era of geopolitics, where international commitments are often sacrificed for tactical expediency. A state without international recognition, a regime without consensus, and a society without guarantees — this triad defines the contemporary Afghan phenomenon. The Taliban faces a paradox: control over territory does not ensure legitimacy, and holding power is not equivalent to full-fledged statehood.
Afghanistan, Taliban, ISIS-K, troop withdrawal, political crisis, international isolation, security.
Geopolitics and international relations; Geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the world; Geostrategies of the world; Regional conflicts and post-conflict settlement in the East.
THE ASIAN POLICY OF THE USA AFTER 2021 AND THE ISLAMIC EMIRATE OF AFGHANISTAN RESTORATION
B a c k g r o u n d . The relevance of the problem lies in the fact of the restoration of the Taliban regime after the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan and the country's acquisition of an uncertain status in the international arena due to the non-recognition of this regime as legitimate by the majority of the global community. The purpose of the article is to consider the role of the Taliban as an element associated with Washington's formation of its policy towards Asia and the protection of US national interests. M e t h o d s . To prepare the study, the historical method was used to work with the background of the situation surrounding the US Asian policy; in addition, the methods of analysis and synthesis were applied, as well as the deduction method which was used to identify problematic issues in this policy. R e s u l t s . It was established that Afghanistan was a zone of US interests in Asia since the beginning of the 20th century and gained particular importance during the "great game" against the USSR. After George W. Bush declared a "war on terror" at the beginning of the 21st century, the first overthrow of the Taliban regime, established in the 1990s, took place for the first time. After the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban movement restored its power in the country in a short period of time. The US Congress has initiated a thorough audit of the 20-year presence of troops in Afghanistan to determine the reasons for such a rapid fall of the "democratic" Afghan government, as well as to review US foreign policy towards the region. Surely, an important factor influencing this policy is the restoration of the Taliban after 20 years of US troops stationed in the country to maintain order and stability, and understanding the specifics of how this regime functions and what it seeks. The Taliban regime is a complex combination of religious fundamentalism and the political and economic interests of individual functionaries of the movement, which makes it even more unpredictable for any kind of international interaction. At the same time, in the course of developing further steps during creation of US policy towards the region as a whole, it is necessary to take into account not only the non-ambiguous factor of regional dynamics, but also the activities and interests of Pakistan and China; therefore, shaping foreign policy measures in the region must consider bilateral relations with these countries. To develop regional policy, attention should also be paid to the miscalculations associated with the demands made on Afghanistan at the beginning of the 21st century regarding the formation of an inclusive government, internal military training, etc. C o n c l u s i o n . It has been determined that an important component of the failure of US policy towards Afghanistan was a rather one-sided approach to setting criteria for building a stable state and military system in the country, which was based largely on "Western" ideas about the military hierarchy and the priorities of the state's domestic policy and how it should function. In addition, the lack of attention to local societal contexts and non-existence of clear long-term plan for Afghanistan have also had a destructive impact on the approach of American administrations and contributed to the chaotic and rapid events unfolding in 2021. Therefore, taking into account these miscalculations and considering the interests of regional players and relations with them, Washington needs to "work on mistakes" to develop a further course towards Asia as a whole.
The Taliban movement, The US foreign policy, regional competition, Islamic fundamentalism, military contingent, national interests
International Relations and World Politics
INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN SOUTH TIROL: EVOLUTION AND CONTEMPORARY SITUATION
Background. Ethnic conflicts provoked by unsolved complex issues in international and interfaith relations both between and within states have been an integral part of contemporary history of international relations. West Europe is no exception in this particular case, because, besides ethnic tensions caused by migration crisis, it bestows a series of issues concerning disputed status of native ethnic minorities. The South Tirol case shows how these issues can be solved. Methods. The research combines political realism and historical method which is based on chronologically studying the emerging, shaping and developing national and ethnic issue in South Tirol. Results. The evolution of the South Tirol case and ways of its resolving in contemporary history (politically and legally) has been examined. Conclusion. The ethnic issues of South Tirol can be effectively solved when Austria and Italy apply relevant democratic mechanisms which take both national interests and national minority rights residing on their respective territories into account.
South Tirol, Austria, Italy, ethnic minorities
South Tirol, Austria, Italy, ethnic minorities.
BELARUS' PLACE IN THE STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE US AND RUSSIA AFTER THE 2020 PROTESTS
Background. The protests in Belarus in 2020 had a strong impact on the domestic political situation and significantly affected regional geopolitical dynamics and the transformation of the US and Russian approaches to cooperation with Belarus. While Belarus used to be able to manoeuvre between the West and Russia, the events of 2020 have destroyed the existing balance. Mass demonstrations, the suppression of the protest movement by the Lukashenka regime, and Belarus' further international isolation led external actors to reconsider their strategies. The United States began to put pressure on the regime through sanctions and provided support to Belarusian civil society in the hope of influencing Lukashenka's policies. At the same time, Russia used the opportunity to work on deepening integration and increasing Belarus' dependence on Russia. Methods. The following methods were used in the study: analytical, historical, comparative, prognostic, systematic approach, content analysis. Results. The 2020 protests in Belarus were a natural consequence of growing dissatisfaction with the government's policies and fatigue with Lukashenka's long rule. The protests have become a form of public dissent and an attempt to achieve qualitative changes. This crisis also became a catalyst for transforming the approaches of external actors to influence Belarus. Russia took the opportunity to consolidate its control over Belarus, which led to greater cooperation in the military and political sphere and economic integration, which in turn further increased Belarus' dependence on Russia. In turn, the United States imposed sanctions and politically supported the Belarusian opposition, but failed to have a real impact on Belarus. An analysis of US policy shows the lack of a comprehensive strategy on the Belarusian issue, which makes it difficult to achieve long-term results. However, with Donald Trump coming to power, the US has an opportunity to restart relations with Minsk based on a pragmatic approach. Conclusions. 2020 was a crucial year for Belarus, significantly affecting the domestic political landscape. Despite large-scale protests and strong public discontent, Lukashenka managed to stay in power, but these events led to changes in the geopolitical balance, isolation of Belarus from Western countries, and increasing its dependence on Russia. Russia has protected its strategic interests and strengthened its influence on Belarus, forcing the Lukashenka regime to deepen economic integration and military cooperation, making Belarus extremely dependent on the will of the Russian Federation. For the United States, the events of 2020 were a test of the effectiveness of its policy. Although the US tried to influence Belarus through sanctions and support for the opposition, the effectiveness of such steps was limited. Now the US is trying to find new methods of influencing Belarus, including using sanctions as a subject of bargaining.
Russian Federation, the United States, Belarus, 2020 protests, strategic interests, political dependence, political isolation, sanctions restrictions, balance of power
Belarus' place in the strategic interests of the US and RUSSIA
International relations, international security and conflicts
MIGRATION COMPONENT IN THE EMPLOYMENT STRATEGY OF UKRAINE IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION
Background. An analysis of the current situation on the Ukrainian labour market in the context of the war, demographic and migration crises is necessary to understand the main challenges faced by the country and to formulate an effective political and economic strategy. Identifying the factors that affect unemployment, labour mobility and the structure of economic activity allows us to assess the prospects for stability and development of the labour market in the context of global changes. In this context, the development of an employment strategy is becoming a key tool for ensuring social and economic stability, in particular through Ukraine’s integration into the European Union. European integration will help to increase the competitiveness of the national labour market and attract qualified personnel from other countries, allowing Ukraine to adapt its economy to European standards and realise its potential on a global scale. Methods. The following methods were used in the preparation of the study: systematic approach, comparative method, structural and functional method, as well as methods of analysis and assessment of the socio-economic situation. Particular attention was paid to analysing the impact of the war on the labour market, as well as to the study of demographic and migration processes using statistical analysis. Results. It was found that the full-scale invasion has deepened the existing structural imbalances in the Ukrainian labour market. In addition, the demographic and migration crises have significantly complicated the situation, in particular due to high migration of the working-age population and an increase in the number of internally displaced persons. The shortage of skilled workers has become one of the main problems worsening the situation on the labour market. To overcome these challenges, it is necessary to develop a comprehensive employment strategy that focuses on integration into the European Union. Conclusions. Given the complex challenges facing Ukraine’s labor market due to the full-scale invasion, demographic and migration crises, the development of an employment strategy is a critical step towards ensuring economic recovery and stable national development. Ukraine’s integration into the European Union will not only enhance the competitiveness of the national labor market but also ensure the effective use of skilled labor, supporting economic growth, social stability, and improving the quality of life for citizens.
Labour market, European integration, common labour market, migration crisis, employment strategy, international division of labour.
glocalization, globalization, localization, world economy, international economic relations
global labour market, international migration, labour migration, COVID-19