THE ASIAN POLICY OF THE USA AFTER 2021 AND THE ISLAMIC EMIRATE OF AFGHANISTAN RESTORATION

Authors

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2025/1-60/43-49

Keywords:

The Taliban movement, The US foreign policy, regional competition, Islamic fundamentalism, military contingent, national interests

Abstract

B a c k g r o u n d . The relevance of the problem lies in the fact of the restoration of the Taliban regime after the withdrawal of American troops
from Afghanistan and the country's acquisition of an uncertain status in the international arena due to the non-recognition of this regime as legitimate
by the majority of the global community. The purpose of the article is to consider the role of the Taliban as an element associated with Washington's
formation of its policy towards Asia and the protection of US national interests.
M e t h o d s . To prepare the study, the historical method was used to work with the background of the situation surrounding the US Asian policy;
in addition, the methods of analysis and synthesis were applied, as well as the deduction method which was used to identify problematic issues in
this policy.
R e s u l t s . It was established that Afghanistan was a zone of US interests in Asia since the beginning of the 20th century and gained particular
importance during the "great game" against the USSR. After George W. Bush declared a "war on terror" at the beginning of the 21st century, the first
overthrow of the Taliban regime, established in the 1990s, took place for the first time. After the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan in
2021, the Taliban movement restored its power in the country in a short period of time. The US Congress has initiated a thorough audit of the 20-year
presence of troops in Afghanistan to determine the reasons for such a rapid fall of the "democratic" Afghan government, as well as to review US
foreign policy towards the region. Surely, an important factor influencing this policy is the restoration of the Taliban after 20 years of US troops
stationed in the country to maintain order and stability, and understanding the specifics of how this regime functions and what it seeks. The Taliban
regime is a complex combination of religious fundamentalism and the political and economic interests of individual functionaries of the movement,
which makes it even more unpredictable for any kind of international interaction. At the same time, in the course of developing further steps during
creation of US policy towards the region as a whole, it is necessary to take into account not only the non-ambiguous factor of regional dynamics, but
also the activities and interests of Pakistan and China; therefore, shaping foreign policy measures in the region must consider bilateral relations with
these countries. To develop regional policy, attention should also be paid to the miscalculations associated with the demands made on Afghanistan
at the beginning of the 21st century regarding the formation of an inclusive government, internal military training, etc. C o n c l u s i o n . It has been determined that an important component of the failure of US policy towards Afghanistan was a rather one-sided
approach to setting criteria for building a stable state and military system in the country, which was based largely on "Western" ideas about the
military hierarchy and the priorities of the state's domestic policy and how it should function. In addition, the lack of attention to local societal contexts
and non-existence of clear long-term plan for Afghanistan have also had a destructive impact on the approach of American administrations and
contributed to the chaotic and rapid events unfolding in 2021. Therefore, taking into account these miscalculations and considering the interests of
regional players and relations with them, Washington needs to "work on mistakes" to develop a further course towards Asia as a whole.

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Published

2025-05-26

How to Cite

THE ASIAN POLICY OF THE USA AFTER 2021 AND THE ISLAMIC EMIRATE OF AFGHANISTAN RESTORATION. (2025). Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International Relations, 60(1), 43-49. https://doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2025/1-60/43-49